Reported by: Tibet Times
Translated By TenGyal
The Chinese authorities have prohibited Tibetan businessmen and voluntary aid workers from travelling directly to the areas affected by the recent flood and landslides.
On August 26, as landslides and floods struck Kyirong in the Shigatse region near the Tibet-Nepal border and Rasuwa in Nepal, the Chinese government initially reported 3 dead and 265 missing. Authorities later adjusted these numbers to 5 dead and 558 missing, then to 16 dead and 546 missing, before placing the current death toll at 21 fatalities. However, after a short video showing people fleeing with children in their arms in the period leading up to the disaster circulated on WeChat, authorities promptly censored and deleted it from the platform. Since then, authorities have imposed strict, wide-ranging surveillance and heavy restrictions across the region.
Promoting Propaganda Under The Guise of Providing Aid
During natural disasters like earthquakes and landslides, the Chinese government promotes propaganda claiming it is helping the public and “highlighting the deep, heartfelt affection between the people and the state”. Yet when voluntary and public grassroots aid efforts—captured on video before official responders arrive—gain traction online, authorities view them as a threat to the state’spropaganda control. Under the pretext of ‘social stability,’ officials crack down on locals sharing footage from the scene and delete netizens’ content. In its place, state channels are flooded with reports of Xi Jinping convening meetings to coordinate relief efforts and Premier Li Qiang personally directing operations on-site. On the religious front, the Tibet Daily reported that on August 31, the Beijing-installed 11th Panchen Lama, Gyaltsen Norbu, led dedication and condolence prayers at Tashi Lhunpo Monastery for the victims of the recent landslides and floods.
Kyirong Port Rebuilt Six Months Ago
A flood had already hit the Kyirong border gate on July 8, 2025. The latest flooding has left the facility damaged once again, just six months after its reconstruction. Consequently, on August 27, 2026, a post with a satirical undertone on the Chinese social media platform Weibo titled ‘Kyirong Port Reopened Only Half a Year Ago’ (吉隆口岸仅开放半年) went viral, amassing 347,000 views within an hour before Chinese authorities censored and deleted it. The post was removed to suppress public scrutiny and discussion over why the port was built along a disaster-prone route, the lack of disaster prevention measures, and the occurrence of repeated damage.
Undermining Tibetan Unity and Solidarity
When natural disasters occur in Tibet, many Tibetans gather to organise mutual aid and relief efforts, but the Chinese government views this as a security threat. For instance, authorities fear that if monks and nuns offer prayers in disaster zones, religious influence expands. If Tibetans’ capacities for networking (through online platforms) and voluntary aid and relief strengthen, they could slip beyond the bounds of state control. In general, the Chinese government not only clamps down on large Tibetan gatherings across the region, but even humanitarian assistance in disaster-stricken areas triggers alarm for authorities.
Photo Compiled by Tibet Times
Following the January 7, 2025 earthquake in Dhingri, Tibetan social media figures and volunteers rushed to the disaster site to provide assistance and deliver aid materials, only to be blocked by authorities three days later. Similarly, during the recent disaster in Kyirong, online posts and videos were widely censored, and voluntary aid workers were barred from entering the affected area. The Chinese government remains focused on leveraging state-driven propaganda rather than prioritising the welfare and condition of the local population.
Across successive disasters—including the April 14, 2010 Yushu earthquake, the February 18, 2024 Golog Matö floods, the January 7, 2025 Dhingri earthquake, and recent flooding and landslides in Kyirong—Tibetans have endured heavy casualties, severe injuries, and widespread destruction of homes. In times of disaster, Tibetans turn to a deep-rooted community tradition: monasteries, civic groups, and private citizens mobilise food, clothing, and financial aid to demonstrate mutual assistance and social solidarity. However, the Chinese government views such grassroots community assistance with hostility. For example, during the Yushu earthquake, when monks from Zachuka Sershul Monastery were among the first to carry out emergency rescue efforts on site, state media outlets like Xinhua and CCTV initially praised their active involvement. Within days, however, authorities shifted narrative, imposing crackdowns on the monastery and ordering the monks to return. State media coverage of monastic relief efforts was subsequently scaled back, shifting focus entirely to propaganda highlighting Chinese Communist Party disaster response. Since then, regulations have been established requiring monastic members to obtain official approval and register before engaging in any social aid or community relief activities.
In the wake of last year’s Dhingri earthquake, Tibetan community organisations, wealthy entrepreneurs, and social media influencers mobilised resources according to their capacity—delivering food, clothing, and essential supplies, travelling to the affected areas to distribute direct cash relief, and demonstrating solidarity. By contrast, during the recent flooding in Kyirong, local organisations faced restrictions under the guise of cracking down on ‘illegal fundraising,’ while private individuals were forced to seek prior permission. Deprived of direct access by strict travel restrictions despite their willingness to help, many Tibetans turned to posting donation receipts to singer Han Hong’s charity foundation online, circulating short videos to express their solidarity.
The Chinese government enforces these restrictions to suppress the rising influence of monasteries and civic groups, ensuring state propaganda retains total monopoly over relief narratives. Consequently, disaster victims are denied timely aid, while Tibet’s traditional networks of community self-help are systematically eroded.
