Published by Tibet Times
Author: Dr. Kunchok, Assistant Professor, The Dalai Lama College
His Holiness’s new book, “Voice for the voiceless,” chronicles over seventy years of struggle with the Chinese government, including his experiences, summaries, and guidance. After its publication, it has sparked new interest and discussion throughout the exile community, with many young people purchasing and promoting it in moving ways.
A short introduction published in the New York Times notes that although His Holiness the Dalai Lama has written many influential books on various topics internationally, apart from his two previous autobiographies, he hasn’t written books detailing political processes. This book outlines the Tibet-China relations from Mao to Xi and the challenges faced by Tibetan society and culture. The book includes special statements such as “I hope to visit Tibet once during my lifetime.”
While the book’s target audience is broadly defined, as evident in many sections, it is particularly aimed at Tibetans living in exile in free countries. It’s important not only to purchase the book, give it as a gift, and read it privately but also to engage in discussions based on the reading process and experience, though there have been more verbal discussions than written analyses.
The book consists of sixteen sections, covering Tibet’s political situation and Tibet-China relations during the seventy-five years since His Holiness was sixteen. It presents his thoughts, actions, and hopes through various historical changes based on policy documents and key passages related to each period. It provides a comprehensive summary of the past, present, and future by detailing the history of the Tibetan struggle, analyzing the current situation in the context of historical background, and offering guidance for future actions. This has become one of His Holiness’s four significant commitments, specifically related to his third commitment.
His Holiness states: “Being a Tibetan and holding the title of the Dalai Lama, and especially given the trust placed in me by all Tibetans inside and outside Tibet, I consider it my responsibility to care for the Tibetan cause and to be the spokesperson for the freedom of Tibetans living under oppression.” This summarizes his third commitment. While this third commitment has been described in various ways and with different explanations of varying length, this concise definition appears on the official website of the Gaden Phodrang.
Indeed, His Holiness’s four commitments, four pledges, or four responsibilities, as variously termed, are not merely his thoughts or aspirations but represent a summary of the significant historical directions of his entire life’s work, categorized into sections. They also encompass the fundamental background thinking, hopes, and guidance for his followers related to these activities. Therefore, this current book is a special volume that meticulously narrates the history of his third commitment, clearly expressing his broad vision and detailing his far-reaching aspirations.
His Holiness’s first autobiography, “My Land and My People,” and his second autobiography, “Freedom in Exile,” along with this new book, share many similarities and are closely related. All three autobiographies were carefully crafted under specific intentions and thoughts related to Tibet’s political situation at their respective times. In all three autobiographies, as a religious leader, His Holiness focuses on explaining his thoughts and actions related to Tibet’s political situation rather than his religious activities. They clearly describe how and why he led a long history of resistance and struggle with vitality, clear direction, and practical strategic approaches against the invasion that tore apart Tibetan society and its political status in the twentieth century.
Regarding timing, “My Land and My People” was completed just about three years after his arrival in exile. This autobiography, written not long after Tibet completely lost its freedom, describes Tibet’s general history, specifically its relations with the new Communist Chinese government and the stages of the Chinese military invasion. It was first written in Tibetan and translated into many languages, primarily English. This autobiography changed the direction of Tibetan autobiographical literature and opened the door to much Tibet-related knowledge internationally. Millions of copies were printed. Particularly from the 1980s onward, this book was secretly distributed inside Tibet, helping many Tibetans in Tibet understand numerous facts about Tibet and inspiring courage and direction for the national struggle among the new generation, as evident in many accounts of recent political history.
The second autobiography, “Freedom in Exile,” was written after he received the Nobel Peace Prize in the late 1980s, at a time when there was new international attention on His Holiness. It is a book that extensively explains his responsibilities and general thoughts maintained on the global stage, the specific situation of the Tibet-China conflict, and his hopes for the future. When His Holiness’s biographical film “Kundun” was released nine years after the publication of “Freedom in Exile,” the final section was supplemented, so this autobiography includes important political thoughts and actions up to the end of the 1990s. This book was also translated into many languages, with two different translations appearing in Tibetan.
This third book, ” Voice for the voiceless,” is connected to the historical background of the previous two books. Following the second biography about the Tibetan struggle during the decades after writing about freedom in exile and the current situation, this book is a significant supplement to the previous two books. It has a much more specific political nature, particularly focusing on Sino-Tibetan relations, the history of dialogues, and the current situation both inside and outside Tibet.
The titles of all three books show how His Holiness, from the environment of exile and freedom, has described his considerations and approaches for Tibet and Tibetans, for the welfare of Tibet and its people, and for the future of Tibetan language and culture—acting as a spokesperson for the Tibetan people who remain under oppression.
While many of the details in this new book might be generally familiar to those who regularly pay attention to His Holiness’s other books, writings, and speeches, it is extremely valuable that he has placed many critically important historical incidents, historical documents, and quotes from historical figures within the complete context of the Sino-Tibetan conflict’s history. He has provided comprehensive reviews, summaries, and explanations with proper background, clarity, and authoritative characteristics.
This new book not only includes the Sino-Tibetan conflicts mentioned in the previous two books but also clearly describes the political and social changes that occurred over more than seventy years, various historical events during these changes, and His Holiness’s perspectives and approaches to these historical events—both in summary and in detail. It has become a major supplement to modern Tibetan political history that connects past and present events and the situations both inside and outside Tibet, as well as an important political biography of His Holiness.
In this book, through four generations of Chinese leadership and three major protests across Tibet and China, His Holiness presents the development of the Middle Way Approach. Based on the actions of Chinese officials, the courage of the Tibetan people, the value of Tibetan religion and culture and the threats they face, and the international situation, he developed this approach founded on non-violence, aiming to resolve the Sino-Tibetan conflict through dialogue, alleviate the current difficulties and dangers in Tibet, protect the rights and dignity of the Tibetan people, and preserve Tibet’s environment, religion, culture, and language while promoting their values. The book clearly shows the evolution of the Middle Way into a complete political doctrine with philosophy, objectives, strategy, and implementation levels.
The Middle Way is not merely a proposal to achieve high-level autonomy for all Tibetan regions under the constitutional framework of the People’s Republic of China. As seen clearly again through this book, it is His Holiness’s grand vision that looks broadly at five significant connections: the connection between Tibetans and Chinese as followers of Mahayana Buddhism; the geographical and environmental connection as neighbors for thousands of years; the basic human connection that has allowed mutual empathy between Tibetans and Chinese in many circumstances; the connection between resolving the Sino-Tibetan conflict and the long-term interests of both peoples; and the connection between preserving Tibet and Tibetan culture on the world’s highest plateau and the welfare of the world as a whole.”
From the very first meeting between His Holiness and Mao to meeting with Prime Minister Zhou Enlai in India, followed by his elder brother Gyalo Thondup’s meeting with Deng Xiaoping, and the subsequent visits of various delegations to Tibet, especially the nine rounds of Sino-Tibetan dialogue led by Special Envoy Gyari Rinpoche—this book provides detailed explanations about the progression of high-level relations between Tibet and China, with a special section focusing on the later rounds of dialogue. While there have been various perspectives and interpretations within the exile community regarding the last rounds of dialogue and related documents, the actual situation becomes very clear from this book.
From this book, one can clearly see Mao’s initial reception, the conversations during the middle meetings, and his final farewell when standing by the car door, he said, “Please tell me directly without hesitation if there are any necessary issues,” yet showed inconsistency by not responding to three messages sent during Tibet’s difficult times. Similarly, it reveals how Deng’s position that “any issue except independence can be discussed” was maintained as a reconciliation strategy but never materialized in practice. We can also clearly see how Hu Yaobang diverted the Sino-Tibetan issue to focus on the Dalai Lama’s return and status and how subsequent generations of leaders have remained trapped in this distortion, leading to the current impasse.
This book is not merely a historical narrative but also contains profound guidance for future direction based on history. This guidance applies to both Tibetan and Chinese people. It reflects His Holiness’s vision for the era, encouraging a shift “from an age of war, killing, and bloodshed to an age of peace and dialogue,” along with implementing this vision. The book allows readers to fully appreciate these comprehensive ideas and intentions, making it an exceptional record for understanding His Holiness’s thoughts in a broader context.
Throughout these situations and processes, despite many opportunities and practical conditions for resolving the Sino-Tibetan conflict through non-violence, mutual benefit, and dialogue, past and present Chinese officials have lacked the political will and courage to resolve the issue, allowing it to persist. However, from this book, we can see the sublime vision of a national leader with profound thoughts and broad perspectives, consisting of His Holiness’s courage in facing challenges, his policy of leading through non-violence and dialogue, his positive exploration of the long cultural and historical connections between Tibet and China, his promotion of friendship between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples, and his approach—all guiding the common interests and future of Tibet and China from a broader perspective.
The Chinese Communist government was founded on Marxist philosophy. It is ruled by individuals and factions who view issues through the logic of contradiction and strive to maintain their desires by balancing contradictions and unity. Mao Zedong, in particular, was firmly committed to such doctrine, expounding on contradictions and applying this logic to many upheavals in his life under the pretext of reform and revolution.
In his effort to transform everything with Chinese characteristics, the current president, Xi Jinping, has been unable to transcend the level of emphasizing unity through the logic of contradiction. His Holiness’s philosophy of non-violence and the logic of the Middle Way approach, which primarily emphasizes relationships and coexistence as its principle, is incomprehensible to the current Chinese authorities due to significant limitations in the scope of their ideological doctrines and worldview.
Regardless of whether the Chinese officials’ thinking and practices lack development, are repetitive, avoid reality, or involve extreme distortion, His Holiness emphasizes that there is no deep, irreconcilable hostility between Tibetan and Chinese peoples. As an example of this critical point, he mentions his meetings with many Chinese intellectuals, believers, retired high-ranking officials, youth, and others. Among these, he strongly notes as an essential basis for hope the online conversations with groups of Chinese inside China led by writer Wang Lixiong, interactions with many figures, including artist Ai Weiwei and Liu Xiaobo’s wife Liu Xia, and their fair perspectives, recognition, and sentiments toward His Holiness, his thoughts, and the situation of the Tibetan people.
His Holiness’s political work as spokesperson and leader of the Tibetan people for over seventy years has not only involved dialogue with Chinese officials and engagement with Chinese people but also rebuilding Tibetan politics, society, and culture in a new, revitalized form. This book also clearly describes, at appropriate points, the history of reconstruction in exile, including the powerful unity pledge of the three traditional provinces, the harmony of all religious denominations, the establishment of religious and cultural institutions, and particularly the comprehensive development of the democratic system for Tibetans in exile. It also clarifies the process of His Holiness’s semi-retirement and complete retirement, comprehensively explaining the developments in exile society and institutions and His Holiness’s thoughts, approaches, and hopes related to these developments.
One of the crucial issues in this book is the section about Tibet’s current situation and future direction. The section discussing Tibet’s current situation explains the present difficult circumstances through descriptions of how over a million Tibetan children have been forcibly taken from their homes and sent to residential schools aimed at transforming their ethnic identity, putting the Tibetan language and culture in danger; how the structure of Tibetan monasteries, the reincarnation system, and all aspects of Tibetan religious life are being controlled, and how Tibetan religious culture is endangered under efforts to sinicize Tibetan Buddhism; how the Chinese government imposes strict controls on Tibetans’ everyday lives and activities, with particularly intense crackdowns targeting educated and talented individuals in Tibetan society, thus putting Tibetans’ fundamental freedoms in jeopardy. Through these descriptions, the book identifies and explains how the current situation in Tibet places the Tibetan people—with their long history and profound culture—in danger of being unable to survive as Tibetans.
In connection with these circumstances, the book strongly reminds readers that if the policy of eliminating Tibetan identity continues without resolving the Tibet-China conflict during the Dalai Lama’s lifetime, it will inevitably become a source of great disappointment and disillusionment for six million Tibetans and over 200 million Chinese Buddhists regarding the actions of the current Chinese authorities.
Discussion about the Dalai Lama’s next incarnation began in the 1960s, and the book mentions His Holiness’s view that whether the Dalai Lama lineage should continue must be decided by the Tibetan people themselves. From his perspective, he would be okay with being the last in the lineage of Dalai Lamas. However, with strong requests from Tibet, high lamas of Tibetan Buddhism, and faithful followers, his next reincarnation will undoubtedly appear in a free country where his mission can be continued. The book mentions the importance of his 2011 public statement and that he will leave written instructions regarding future reincarnation.
A particularly emotional part is the book’s final appeal section. This final section includes guidance for Tibetans in their freedom struggle; expressions of gratitude to the Indian government and people for their kindness during Tibet’s most difficult historical period and appeals for their continued support; explanations and appeals directed toward the Chinese people aimed at friendship between the two peoples; and appeals connecting Tibet’s situation to the welfare of humanity, emphasizing that the preservation of Tibet and its culture is in the common interest of all humanity—an appeal directed toward four major perspectives.
In His Holiness’s concise appeal to the Tibetan people, he strongly urges that no matter what hardships we face, we must not lose fundamental hope but must “stand up nine times after falling nine times,” as the Tibetan saying goes. Moreover, we must see our value through our long history and profound culture; we must not hold short-sighted, despairing thoughts that historic opportunity is not on our side given the current international situation and His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s age; the historical chance is not with the invaders and rulers but with the Tibetan people who hope for freedom. Therefore, through patience, unwavering determination, unity, and courage, we must continue to confront brutal oppression through non-violent means.
Among these appeals, one particularly emphasized point is that Tibetans must not lose faith in the philosophy of non-violence, and especially that Tibetans living in free countries must never forget their compatriots living under oppression and brutality in Tibet. He emphasizes that we must never forget that they constantly look at us with hopeful eyes, expecting us to light a ray of freedom in the darkness of history.
If one compares His Holiness’s new book with famous books connected to the lives, philosophies, and practices of other champions of truth and non-violent struggle—such as Mahatma Gandhi’s autobiography “The Story of My Experiments with Truth,” Nelson Mandela’s “Long Walk to Freedom,” and Aung San Suu Kyi’s “The Voice of Hope”—one will undoubtedly see many fundamental commonalities as well as unique qualities in the philosophies and practices of non-violent struggle by great individuals from different eras, ethnicities, and circumstances.
In summary, through His Holiness’s two previous political works, his future political guidance for Tibet and constitutional essence, his March 10th statements over more than fifty years, and now this new book, Tibetans have once again reached a time to make new preparations of a contemporary nature for their national struggle, based on the general history of the truth-based struggle, His Holiness’s intentions, approaches, and hopes. Suppose we can view this book as a significant pathway to once again advance the Tibet cause—grounded in truth and non-violence—in a contemporary manner through reading, contemplation, and practice. In that case, His Holiness’s expressed hope that ” My hope is that the book will stimulate fresh thoughts and conversations today and provide a framework for the future of Tibet even after I am gone.” will be fulfilled.
Note: This article was written as part of an experience-sharing activity for book reading at the Dalai Lama Institute for Higher Education, recording some of my impressions and views after completing a first cursory reading.
